Kashmir Human Rights and the Indian Press

By TERESA JOSEPH

ABSTRACT : The contemporary discourse on governance and social conflict is generally marked by its state-centric approach, particularly in the mass media. Issues which are perceived to have a bearing on national interest/security, particularly those relating to defence, foreign policy, insurgency, and human rights are usually portrayed from a state security perspective, relegating the priorities and concerns of the people to invisibility. The Indian press is no exception to this practice, with the coverage of the human rights situation in Kashmir an explicit case in point. Given the fact that to most Indians an understanding of the situation in Kashmir is largely gathered from the mass media, this paper strives to analyse the nature of the coverage of the human rights situation in Kashmir by the Indian press. In order to enable a comprehensive analysis the focus of this study has been restricted to a content analysis of three English language newspapers over a period of three months.

The nature of the coverage of the situation by the Indian press is juxtaposed against the actual situation in the Kashmir Valley as depicted by alternate media sources.The contemporary discourse on governance and social conflict is generally marked by its state-centric approach – with an inclination to stress the importance of the State rather than that of the people, particularly the security of the nation-state over that of the populace. This trend is remarkably evident in discourses perceived as relating to the so-called ‘national interest’ or ‘national security’. The removal of actual or perceived threats to the State is seen to be more crucial than threats to the very survival of the people. The fact that security also has a meaning at the individual level which is independent of the State is often overlooked.1 Such a tendency is strikingly conspicuous in the mass media.

The media are evidently an integral part of the political power structure, reflecting the priorities and preoccupations of the dominant power groupings, and thereby supporting and perpetuating the basic norms and values of the dominant order and the business interests of the media2. Issues ostensibly having a bearing on national security are usually portrayed from a state-security perspective, relegating the priorities, concerns and sufferings of the people to invisibility. The realm of issues ranging from the obvious ones of defence and foreign policy to that of human rights’ violations (particularly when the state is involved) are usually considered sacrosanct and are viewed from a national interest or national security perspective. Voices of dissent, not subscribing to the dominant discourse are portrayed as anti-national, being actual or potential agents of external powers, thus setting forth a paradigm of ‘patriotism’.

The Indian press is no exception to the rule. Although an otherwise healthy institution, so-called sensitive issues relating to defence, insurgency, human rights which are perceived to have a bearing on the country’s national security interests are viewed with trepidation and portrayed purely from a state-centric angle. Although such reporting was evident in the coverage of Punjab and the North-East, the coverage of the human rights situation in Kashmir is an explicit case in point. The dominant discourse on Kashmir characterises it as a dispute over real estate between India and Pakistan, and a matter of national prestige. Consequently, the situation inside the Vale, or Valley of Kashmir is viewed strictly in terms of the Indian State vs. Pakistani sponsored terrorism. Those who do not subscribe to the dominant discourse are portrayed as anti-national. The human rights issue is depicted merely as part of the proxy war waged by Pakistan to defame India.

In reality, Kashmir emerged at the top of the human rights agenda of the world in the late 1980s as fallout of the policies adopted by various Indian governments and the sense of alienation among the people of Kashmir to which, of course, Pakistan contributed its share. As Balraj Puri succinctly puts it: … one can trace the beginning of the Kashmir problem and its growth to its present dimensions to the denial to the people of the state of civil liberties, democracy and human rights including the rights to freedom of speech, rights to protest and form an opposition party, right to vote and to elect a government of their choice.3

International human rights organisations, as well as several Indian civil rights groups have documented in detail the atrocities committed on the people of Kashmir by both Indian security forces and militant groups. However, public opinion in India remained largely silent on the issue. Given the fact that to most Indians an understanding of the situation in Kashmir is largely gathered from the mass media, which not only provides necessary input for the decision-maker, but also helps in shaping public opinion, this paper strives to analyse the nature of the coverage of the human rights situation in Kashmir by the Indian press through a content analysis of selected national newspapers.

Except for a brief interlude soon after the Farooq Abdullah government came to power, human rights violations in the Valley have been consistent since 1989. However, in order to enable a comprehensive analysis, the focus of this study has been restricted to a period of three months. A random selection of the period from 1 December 1991 to 29 February 1992 was made, and a content analysis of three English language newspapers over this continuous period was done. The selected newspapers — The Hindu, Indian Express and The Times of India – were the three largest circulated national English dailies and among the ten largest circulated newspapers in any language in the country at the time.4 Although the coverage of local and regional news differs among the various editions of each newspaper, national and international news coverage in all the editions remains the same. A cross- verification finds that there are no variations in the nature of the coverage of Kashmir in the various editions of national newspapers. The present study is based on the Coimbatore, Kochi and Bombay editions of the three newspapers respectively. An analysis of this nature necessitates the juxtaposition of the actual situation in the Valley as depicted by alternate sources, against the nature of the coverage of the situation by the Indian press.

The human rights situation in Kashmir During the last ten years, thousands of ordinary people have lost their lives in Kashmir. Although official sources claim the number to be around 19,956 only (as of September 1998)5, reports by various non-governmental organisations put the number to be around 50,0006. Statistics, of course may, vary depending on the source. Various reports by both national and international human rights organisations –including the Committee for Initiative on Kashmir (CIK), People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR), People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Asia Watch, and Amnesty International — have given first-hand accounts of the human rights situation in the Valley since the late 1980s. These reports give detailed accounts of the innumerable instances of security excesses, the militancy in the Valley, and the plight of the civilians caught between the security forces and the militants. A brief overview of the human rights situation in Kashmir around the specific period of focus of this study as depicted by alternate media sources is essential for an understanding of the issues concerned.

The two reports by the Committee for Initiative on Kashmir, India’s Kashmir War and Kashmir Imprisoned: A Report, give first-hand accounts of the situation in the Valley.7 They describe the innumerable cases of daily raids on houses, assaults on peaceful demonstrations, indiscriminate arrests and harassment of ordinary civilians by the security forces. There are numerous accounts of various forms of torture — both psychological and physical – and extra-judicial murders, including those resulting from firing on peaceful processions and funerals, encounters and killings during cordon and search operations, and crossfire. Various other reports, including the Amnesty International report, India: Torture, Rape and Deaths in Custody, and the Asia Watch Report, Kashmir Under Siege, released in May 1991, also detail descriptions of the human rights situation in the Valley.8 With concrete examples they elucidate the various incidents of torture – including those against women and children – the numerous cases of extra-judicial executions in fake encounters and also details of political prisoners under detention without trial in the Valley. Similarly, reporting from Srinagar, Edward W. Desmond wrote in Time (4 November 1991) that, while the Government and rebels clashed in prolonged encounters in the Valley, it was the Kashmiri bystanders who paid a high price. Daily life was filled with tension in all the major towns, where gun battles broke out regularly and civilians were the main victims. Reports by the British Parliamentary Human Rights Group and the US Department of State also describe the human rights situation in Kashmir around the period of this study9. The People’s Union for Democratic Rights, in their report, Lawless Roads: A Report on TADA, points out that the killings of unarmed civilians in ‘extra-constitutional violence’ was the dominant feature in Kashmir.10 There are also numerous accounts of kidnapping, torture, murder, and the molestation and rape of women, both by the security forces and the militants, on grounds of the victims being informers or traitors or simply because they hold public office. The targets of the militants were not always security personnel or informers, but also included civilian officials, political leaders, journalists and common citizens. This was the dismal picture of the human rights situation in Kashmir, which was brought to light by various national and international human rights organisations.

In stark contrast, the Government of India initially denied all allegations of human rights’ violations and the so-called security excesses were termed mere propaganda by Pakistan and the militants of Kashmir. It later maintained that such allegations were an interference in the sovereign rights of India. Purportedly, such charges were made in order to defame the country’s security forces, and human rights activists within the country were often maligned as anti-national.11 Under pressure from national and international human rights groups, the Government realised that its propaganda line was counter-productive, and began to occasionally publish details of action taken against erring security personnel. However, it continued to adhere to the position that such eventualities were exceedingly rare, and that human rights’ violations in the Valley, if any, were largely the work of militant groups aided by Pakistan.

Reporting Kashmir: a quantitative analysis
A study of Indian newspapers over any period of time will reveal that, although a substantial number of reports on Kashmir can be found on the front pages, they are usually mere quotations of official speeches and press releases or straight news without any kind of analysis, having as their sources press releases, statements/speeches of government officials, and leaders of mainstream Indian political parties. Editorials, lead articles, features or news analyses are hard to come by. Over the course of the three months of this study, there were a total of 423 reports relating to various aspects of Kashmir in the three newspapers under study. An interesting fact is that, although 208 of these were considered important enough to be placed on the front pages, the number of editorials/lead articles/ features/ news analysis was exceedingly negligible. On the other hand, as many as 346 pieces were mere news reports or straight news without any analysis. (See Table I).
Table-I A comparative quantitative analysis of the nature of reports on Kashmir (1 December 1991-29 February 1992)

		Dec			Jan			Feb			Total		Grand Total
	TTOI	IE	TH	TTOI	IE	TH	TTOI	IE	TH	TTOI	IE	TH
Front Page Reports	8	5	11	18	20	23	40	31	52	66	56	86	208
Editorials	-	1	-	1	2	1	3	4	2	4	7	3	14
Lead Articles/Features	3	-	-	1	-	2	3	5	4	7	5	6	18
News Reports	30	13	26	39	29	32	58	49	70	127	91	128	346
News Analysis	1	1	1	2	1	1	13	4	14	16	6	16	38
Photographs	2	-	1	1	-	-	-	2	1	3	2	2	7
Total Number of Reports	36	15	28	44	32	36	77	64	91	157	111	155	423

*TTOI – The Times of India (Bombay); IE-Indian Express (Kochi); TH – The Hindu (Coimbatore)
More significantly, a survey of the sources of these reports revealed that 230 of them were based on official statements/press releases. Of these, an overwhelming 78% had as their sources Indian Government officials and leaders of mainstream Indian political parties. Only 7% were based on Kashmiri sources, 8% on Pakistani sources and 7% on other sources, including that of officials from other countries. (See Table II). TABLE- II A comparative quantitative analysis of the official sources of news reports on Kashmir (1 December 1991-29 February 1992)

Official Sources		Dec			Jan			Feb			Total		Grand Total
	TTOI	IE	TH	TTOI	IE	TH	TTOI	IE	TH	TTOI	IE	TH
Indian	12	7	14	24	15	6	32	17	43	68	39	73	180
Pakistani	1	-	1	1	-	1	3	6	5	5	6	7	18
Kashmiri	1	-	2	1	1	-	3	2	5	5	3	7	15
Others	3	-	1	3	1	-	3	4	2	9	5	3	17
Total	17	7	18	29	17	17	41	29	55	87	53	90	230

It is indeed thought provoking that reports on the actual situation in Kashmir quoting such sources as the ordinary people of the Valley, the militants or Pakistani officials are extremely scarce, while there is no dearth of quotations from Indian Government sources on Kashmir. Even more interesting is the fact that, although very often headlines are in effect statements by Government officials, many of them do not bear quotation marks or any other signs to depict them as such, thereby misleading the reader into believing them to be actual facts. In today’s busy world, news reports are often only skimmed through, and it is the headlines and front-page block items which are retained in the subconscious mind. The dominance of a particular image therefore, leaves a correspondingly strong impression in the minds of the readers.

Deaths and ‘encounters’
Most of the news reports/straight news on Kashmir relate to deaths and ‘encounters’ in the Valley, largely quoting official sources. The focus of attention is primarily on either the deaths/capture of militants, or the deaths/ attacks on security forces by the militants. Incidents of the violation of the human rights of ordinary citizens by either the militants or the security forces are completely neglected. Even in those reports where some mention is made of civilians in this context, they are only passing references in reports focusing on ‘ultras’, or ‘militants’ or ‘security forces’. Only the discerning reader can glean some understanding of the actual situation by a careful reading between the lines. This trend can be elucidated with concrete examples. The headlines of a report in The Hindu on 29 December 1991 states: ’5 killed in Kashmir’. But the report opens thus : ‘Five militants and two civilians were killed, and eleven persons injured in the Kashmir Valley today’ [Emphasis added]. . Another report on 20 January 1992 bears the headline: ’4 Militants Killed in Encounter in Valley’. But the report opens:
At least six persons –four militants and two civilians were killed and twelve others including five jawans of the BSF (Border Security Force) and CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force), injured in continuous exchange of fire in the curfew bound areas of the Kashmir valley since last evening (emphasis added).

The headlines of a report in The Times of India on 1 January 1992 states: ’2 BSF Men Killed in J&K Attack’. However, the report opens: ’2 BSF Jawans were reportedly killed in a grenade attack here today, while a civilian was allegedly tortured to death during interrogation’ (emphasis added). The death of the jawans was apparently of more significance than the death due to torture in police custody of a civilian. The Indian Express also was not devoid of the trend. On 10 January 1992, the headlines of a report stated: ’6 Militants Killed in Kashmir’, while the opening lines read ‘Nine people including six militants were killed and thirteen suspected subversives arrested as the army and paramilitary forces stepped up their anti-militant campaign in the Kashmir Valley since Tuesday night’ (emphasis added). It proceeds to give a detailed account of the manner in which the six militants met with their death, with not even a passing mention of the three civilians who were also killed. Similarly, such headlines as ‘ Militant Among 7 Killed in Kashmir’, ’6 Ultras Among 9 Killed in J & K’, and others which appear almost every other day in all newspapers, reveal this trend of highlighting only the death of militants, while innocent civilians do not appear to matter even if they have met their deaths in police custody. The need of the hour appears to be only to stress the successes of the security forces vis-à-vis the militants.

On security excesses
More importantly, although there were numerous international reports of human rights violations by the security forces itself, Indian newspaper reports on Kashmir fail to impart any such information. At the same time there are any number of reports, often quoting official sources, that allegations of security excesses were a part of the propaganda campaign against India. Editorials, like the one in the Indian Express of 19 February 1992, often stress ‘the obvious need to counter Pakistan’s propaganda blitz over Kashmir which is magnifying out of all proportions the alleged excesses by the armed forces on the civilians in the Valley’. A report in The Times of India on 1 January 1992 states: ‘The persistent propaganda campaign launched by certain terrorist outfits about the atrocities being perpetrated by the security forces in the Valley was bound to have an effect on the morale of the personnel who were performing their duties under extremely trying conditions’.

A. Basu, in an article in The Hindu, writes in similar vein. He contends that unlike the mercenaries of other countries (e.g., the French Foreign Legion), the Indian security forces consist of selected and motivated people of the same country:

A unit or sub-unit of the security forces engaged in counter-terrorist or counter-insurgency actions accordingly operates under severe psychological and physical constraints because of the very nature of the political directives. A unit suffering steady casualties under such handicapped operational conditions has a natural tendency to retaliate with counter-measures, sometimes, regrettably, even more than what is appropriate for a trained and disciplined force. It is a tribute to the leadership and discipline of such forces at unit and sub-unit levels that this inevitable retaliatory syndrome does not go completely out of hand except in rare cases. … It is very easy to level charges against security forces for alleged excesses, rapes, burning houses and other sundry crimes; but it needs to be realised that one vital arm of militancy and insurgency is propaganda warfare, waged with expertise and relentlessness against the security forces, adopting the well known adage that lies and half truths repeated often enough become eventual truths.12.

During the entire three months under study, there were only two reports, one each in The Hindu and The Times of India, which reported the atrocities committed by security forces on civilians. The Hindu, in its report ‘J & K Probe into Alleged Atrocities by CRPF Men’ on 19 December 1991, reveals several incidents of gang rape by the security forces. The Times of India, in its article ‘Security Forces Violate Rights’ on 22 December 1991, quotes form V.M. Tarkunde’s address at a symposium organised by the Bar Association of India, which points out that the security forces are stated to be the main violators of human rights in the country. Innocent people in Kashmir were being searched, arrested and tortured without even being given a chance to approach the law. However, these two reports were the only exceptions to the rule.
Most reports sought to maintain that allegations of security excess were merely part of the propaganda campaign against India, and even sought to justify the ‘few’ such cases of security excesses which may have occurred. The irony of the situation becomes explicit when one considers the almost verbatim reproduction in the very same newspapers, of those parts of human rights reports which are critical of the situation in Pakistan.

For instance, during this period, Subhash Kirpekar, a correspondent of The Times of India published three articles (one of them in three instalments) strongly criticising the Asia Watch and Amnesty International reports described above as being biased against India.13 Kirpekar contends that both reports take a one-sided view of the situation in India and, in the process, became an ‘intrinsic part of Pakistan’s propaganda offensive against India’.14 The write-ups even question the credentials of one of the co-authors of the Amnesty report, implying that she had links with Pakistan. Kirpekar also claims that both the reports seek to scrutinize governments while turning a blind eye to violations by non-official agencies. They do no not mention the killings of minorities and of brutalities against them by terrorists. Highlighting the numbers killed by terrorists, he states that the reports have not mentioned the actions taken by the government against erring personnel of the security forces. Moreover, he argues:
It is to be borne in mind that the stress level of the security personnel on the street in Srinagar or elsewhere in the Valley is very high as he does not know wherefrom an attack would come. This leads to a tendency to overreact at times. But then prompt remedial action is taken.15.

Kirpekar’s reports in The Times of India project a nexus between Pakistan and the two human rights organisations, Asia Watch and Amnesty International. His articles staunchly assert that allegations of security excesses were mere propaganda by Pakistan and the militants, and the few such cases had been punished. In the process, one can see a reiteration of the Indian government posture on the issue. However, the same writer, in the very same newspaper quotes almost verbatim the US Department of State’s 1991 Human Rights Report which strongly criticises the situation in Pakistan.16 Indeed, this State Department report has been extensively quoted by all the three newspapers in this study in order to highlight the human rights situation in Pakistan. In ‘Pakistan Rapped for Human Rights Violation’ in The Times of India on 4 February 1992, ‘Pak Victimising Opposition, says US Report’ in The Hindu on 4 February 1992, and ‘Minorities Suffer in Pakistan: A Report’ in the Indian Express on 8 February 1992, the papers quote the report as accusing Pakistan of subjecting political opposition to ‘harassment and victimisation’, the abuse of power by the police, extra-judicial killings, the alleged gang rape of Farhana Hayat, the detention of hundreds of workers of the Pakistan People’s Party, and so on.

Debate on the Press Council of India report Another instance of the Indian press’ selective reporting on Kashmir can be elucidated. In December 1990, the Press Council of India (PCI) appointed a committee to study the role of the press and its functioning in Jammu and Kashmir, as well as the alleged reports of excesses by the armed forces against the civilians of the state. The Committee paid a visit to the state and its report, Crisis and Credibility, was adopted by the PCI in July 1991.17 The findings of the Committee showed that the reports of excesses were ‘grossly exaggerated or invented’. These conclusions were highlighted and extensively quoted in both the print and electronic media. However, the report had been faced with innumerable criticisms based on the manner in which such conclusions were reached. Criticism ranged from the composition of the Committee, its reliance on the army version of events, its requirement that alleged rape victims had to provide conclusive evidence that they had been raped, its spending of just one day in the Valley (and that too escorted by army officers), the lack of a woman investigator or an interpreter in the team, and its offensive remarks on women.18.

As the report was largely devoted to dismissing allegations of rape by the army in Kunnan-Poshpora during February 1991, the Forum for Women and Politics organised a debate on the report in Delhi during the first week of December 1991. B.G. Verghese, the main author of the PCI report, was also present but reportedly unable to defend himself against the criticism and questions put forth by the participants.19 However, although the original report had been much highlighted by the Indian press, this debate challenging the very basis of the report found absolutely no mention in either The Times of India or The Hindu. The coverage of the occasion in the Indian Express on 10 December 1991 is very revealing. Welcoming the initiative taken by the women’s organisation, it gives a brief overview of the two main reservations against the report; that is, its methodology, and parameters for investigating allegations of rape. However, the report goes on to state:

The question and answer session turned into an inquisition with some interrogators even resorting to personally offensive remarks…. The scene was dismaying not merely because it betrayed a lack of decorum, but also a frighteningly black and white approach on the part of those who call themselves society’s conscientious objectors…. Apart from one or two speakers, nobody seemed to be in a mood to admit that just as a fact finding team can walk into public relations traps set by the army or the state, or get swayed by the rhetoric of national integrity, journalists and human rights activists can also be manipulated by militants in a climate of fierce insurgency or be influenced by the rhetoric of azadi…20.
The divergence in the wide coverage given to the PCI report and the negligence/criticism of the critique against it again divulges the nature of press reporting on Kashmir.

Strikes, bandhs and curfews
Similarly, we find that even strikes and bandhs held in protest against security excesses are completely ignored or, at the most, receive a mere passing mention no matter however successful or widespread they may have been. Even the imposition of curfew, sometimes extending for days and causing extreme hardships to the common man, is often ignored. More importantly, the severe socio-economic hardships of the people, the high levels of unemployment and corruption, and the failure of development funds reaching the masses are also neglected.

On 26 December 1991, government employees in Kashmir went on a general strike protesting against security excesses in the Valley. The spark was lit by the alleged torture and resultant death of seven persons, including government employees, by security forces since 21 December. The strike was completely overlooked by both The Times of India and the Indian Express. Although The Hindu had a small report on Kashmir, ‘Strike Hits Work in Government Offices’ on 27 December 1991, as is evident from the headline itself, the reason for the strike was glossed over. It only highlighted that work in the offices was affected. Again, in January 1992, a two-day bandh was called by militants to protest against alleged atrocities by the security forces. Here again, the negligence was evident, with only a brief report on it in the Indian Express on 13 February 1992, and no mention at all in the other papers. Similarly, the strike call in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK) by the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), protesting against the killings of the JKLF marchers received meagre coverage in The Hindu and The Times of India, and no mention at all in the Indian Express. This period also witnessed the imposition of curfew in several places in Kashmir, sometimes even extending up to five days at a time, thereby causing severe hardship to local people. This issue was once again sidelined by the mainstream press, with brief reports tucked away on the inside pages.

International Perspectives
Another revealing aspect is that the condemnation by other countries of human rights violations in Kashmir and their calls for the respect of the rights of the people of Kashmir, including the right of self-determination, is very often blacked out in the Indian press. On the other hand, any international criticism of the human rights situation in Pakistan and its role in abetting terrorism in Kashmir is devoutly quoted. During the three months under study, as far as the reactions to the Kashmir issue at the international level were concerned, all the newspapers sought to highlight a pro-Indian stance by other countries. These included reports on British Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd’s disapproval of Pakistan’s hand in terrorism in Kashmir, Pakistan’s failure to enlist the support of the Central Asian Republics on Kashmir, Libya’s endorsement of India’s stand on Kashmir, Kuwait’s statement of support for India’s stand on Kashmir and the Portuguese President’s condemnation of Pakistan’s hand in Kashmir.

It is interesting to see the kind of events which were not reported at all by any of the three newspapers. During this period, various countries like Australia and Sudan expressed their concern over the violation of human rights in India, particularly in Kashmir. The Chairman of the British Parliament’s Human Rights Committee, Lord Eric Avebury, also expressed the hope that Kashmir would attain freedom peacefully under the United Nations framework. More importantly, the communiqué adopted at the concluding session of the European Co-operation (ECO) summit at Tehran stressed the need for respecting the human rights of the Kashmiri people and called for settling the issue expeditiously in accordance with the wishes of the people of Kashmir (which are yet to be ascertained).21 However, no such report appeared in any of the three newspapers under study.

In December 1991 a summit of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) at Dhaka adopted a resolution condemning the massive violation of the human rights of the Kashmiri people. It called for the respect of their rights, including the right of self-determination. The summit demanded that the Kashmir issue be resolved in accordance with the UN resolution and in the light of the Simla Agreement. Addressing the summit, Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif called upon the Islamic world to help resolve the Kashmir dispute, which contributed the greatest single potential threat to peace and security in South Asia.22 Without exception, the three papers examined in this study expressed criticism of Pakistan’s raising the Kashmir issue at the OIC meeting, yet none quoted either the resolution as such or even Sharif’s speech.

The milieu
Evidently, most Indian newspapers are merely concerned with reinforcing the standpoint of the Indian government vis-à-vis Kashmir, restricting their reporting to the reproduction of government data and information while failing to verify facts or send their own correspondents for first-hand coverage of the issues concerned. Of course, reporting on Kashmir is not an easy task. Militant factions have often targeted the media; harassing, kidnapping and even assassinating journalists, bombing presses, and closing down dailies while trying to control the news. The brunt of this repression is faced by local media personnel, although journalists visiting the Valley also do face problems. The press has met with equally harsh treatment from the security forces who have disallowed it from carrying reports about militants or condemning security forces for atrocities. They have imposed restrictions on the press and often given misleading information, besides seizing newspapers and confiscating copies. Various other factors have contributed to the pressure on the press including the fact that the governent was its major advertiser, and had the power to confer or withhold accredition facilities. These have been used as coercive instruments, besides other extra-legal methods such as the impounding of vehicles distributing newspapers, cutting off the electricity supply, and increasing the price of newsprint. The PCI has also reported on government decisions to prosecute editors of local newspapers under Terrorism and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) on the grounds that they had published provocative news items highlighting the activities of militants, and also circulated anti-national and secessionist programmes intentionally. Most often during times of tension in any particular area of Kashmir, the media is kept out of the vicinity.

It has often been pointed out that one could only visit Kashmir escorted by either the security forces or the militants. The question is whether this is an acceptable line of defence. What about the various human rights reports on Kashmir? Given the risk factor involved, does the dependence on government sources alone do justice to the people of the Valley or, for that matter, is it fair to the general reader?

Conclusion
Although human rights organisations, both national as well international, and also other media sources have documented in detail gross human rights violations in Kashmir by both the militants as well as the security forces, the general reader does not get any such picture of the situation from the mainstream Indian press. On the contrary, the entire issue has been portrayed purely from a state-centric approach. The Indian press has consistently projected the government’s stance on Kashmir and, in this particular context, its position that the reports of human rights violations in the Valley are merely the result of propaganda by Pakistan and the militants of Kashmir. The press often has even justified the so-called few cases of security excesses, and questioned the credibility of human rights reports on Kashmir. Even the condemnation of human rights violations in Kashmir by other countries, is often blocked out. There appears to be a policy of self-censorship, based on a misguided sense of patriotism, whereby anything that is critical of the security forces does not find its way into newspapers. The extent of near-jingoism in the press becomes evident when one considers its staunch criticism of reports of human rights’ violations in India, while reports of violations in Pakistan are quoted verbatim. The underlying determinant of the nature of the reports on Kashmir is the identity of the sources on which they are based. The over-dependence on government sources appears to be the bane of the Indian press reports on Kashmir giving them an inherent bias towards the government position on the issues concerned, while ignoring the ground reality. In this context, the recommendations of the PCI appear very relevant. The Press Commission report of 1954 recommended that government handouts should not be accepted as they are, but should be supplemented where need be by clarifying the essential points, necessary for a proper understanding of the issues.23 In the context of Kashmir, the Committee appointed by the PCI to examine the role of the press in Kashmir made numerous recommendations, including: identity cards and curfew passes of journalists should always be honoured by security personnel; journalists on perilous assignments should receive special incentives together with compensation in case of death, injury, hospitalization or loss of property; employment assistance or pensions to next of kin; and other proposals.

More importantly, all aspects of events should be fairly and objectively reported, ‘… citing sources, verifying facts, and, where possible offering their own eyewitness observations, analysis or interpretation without editorialising.’24 However, such recommendations continue to remain on paper only.

In her book, Kashmir : A Tragedy of Errors, Tavleen Singh has gone so far as to state that the press was the main reason why the alienation of Kashmir began. The people were sensitive about the way they were being reported in the national press which was deliberately mis-interpreting facts and events, making it possible for governments to get away with any short-sighted policy.25 It cannot be denied that a basic responsibility of the press to society is to ensure the accurate reporting of events. However, it is beyond doubt that in the context of Kashmir, the press has failed to play its role as the watch-dog of democracy, as it has by-and-large collaborated with the government in not revealing actual occurrences in the Valley. It thus has not helped in any way to alleviate either the sense of alienation among the people of Kashmir, or the atrocities committed against the common citizen, or even to provide a clear picture of events in the Valley to the Indian general public. On the contrary, by its continued reiteration of the official version of events in Kashmir, the Indian press has helped only to increase the sense of alienation among the people of Kashmir, and to keep the general public ignorant of what is really happening in the Valley.

Assam should stand together as ONE against Bangla Deshi Muslim Infiltration

In a week from the Assam Ethnic Cleansing against original Tribals, other Hindus & Non-Muslims triggered by Bangla Deshi Muslims in Western Assam districts, VHP International Working President Dr Pravin Togadia visited the relief camps in Kokrazar & surrounding areas & viewed the excessive damage caused to the Tribal houses by the terror attacks by the Bangla Deshi Muslims. Dr Togadia also distributed children’s clothes, Ladies & men’s clothes, essential food items & medicines in the relief camps.

Dr Togadia said, “Only for votes, Union & the state Govts have purposely allowed Bangla Deshi Muslim Infiltration in Assam, other North-Eastern stats & other areas in Bharat. There were constant alert about these infiltrators’ terror links with ISI, HUJI, IM & others. Yet, endangering nation’s security, they were brought in, given voter IDs, all facilities not even usually available to the local Tribes, other Hindus & Non-Muslims in Assam. Since past 15 years Bangla Deshi Muslims have been systematically doing Ethnic Cleansing & Territory encroachments. Karbi Anglong, Khasi, Jaintiya, Bodo, Dimasa & other 50 such tribes have been facing loss of lives, lands, livelihood & attacks at these invaders’ hands, but Govts protected the invaders & left the original citizens of Bharat to die. It is a national shame that the original tribes & Bharat’s Hindu citizens have to live in relief camps while Bangla Deshi Muslims are grabbing even relief materials & money while their supporters are lobbying for them all over Bharat.”

Dr Togadia urged all in Assam to stand up together as ONE keeping any differences aside to protect Assam. He said, “Assamese, Bangla Hindus, all Tribes & all Non-Muslims in Assam should come together & stand together as ONE to fight the modern day invasion by Bangla Deshi Muslims. They also should vote together only for the candidates who protect them from Bangla Deshi Muslims all the time.”

Dr Togadia puts up VHP demands:

1. Assam & North East has seen massive infiltration of Bangla Deshi Muslims. The Citizenship Registry should be available ONLY to those who have been in Assam before 1951 & NO Bangla Deshi Muslim should be in it

2. Bangla Desh was ruled by Muslims even as East Pakistan in 1971. There is no right to Muslims coming from there to claim any status – refugee or Bharat’s citizen. All Bangla Deshi Muslims from Assam, other North East & rest of Bharat should be therefore immediately deported from Bharat.

3. On the other hand, Hindus in Bangla Desh have been facing Ethnic Cleansing not only since 1971, but also since many years before 1947 when it was not even Bangla Desh separate. Therefore all Hindus who came in from Bangla Desh should immediately get refugee status as has already been ordered by the Hon Supreme Court.

4. Right now the Bangla Deshi Muslims, supported by Muslim politicians in Assam & other states of Bharat, have filed an application in the Hon Supreme Court for refugee status. As aid earlier, Bangla Desh has been their country, where Hindus faced Ethnic Cleansing; not Muslims. Hence, Bangla Deshi Muslims should never get refugee status.

5. Using the volatile situation in North East & the porous border there which has been purposely kept so by Govts for Muslims despite all intelligence agencies warning to seal it, yet many Bangla Deshi Muslims have been entering Bharat. Now they have been joined by the internationally banned Jehadi group of Rohingya Muslims who have already entered Bharat & parked themselves in various states demanding refugee status. After the UN refused it to them due to their Jehadi contacts, now they are being helped by a few politicians in Bharat. Along with Bangla Deshi Muslims, even Rohingya Muslims too should be deported immediately.

6. In recent Ethnic Cleansing, lakhs of people of original Tribes, other Hindus & non-Muslims have lost their near & dear ones. Their families must get Ru 7,00,00. The injured should get Ru 4,00,000 with all medical expenses paid. The families who lost their bread earner should be helped with the job to the kin / cash help for local trade. All houses of original Tribes / other Hindus / Non-Muslims should be built by the Govt with household things given to them free.

7. The above & other aid as well as facilities should not be extended to any Bangla Deshi or local Muslims there as they are responsible for the Ethnic Cleansing of Bharat’s citizens in Bharat! They should be immediately deported.

8  Bangla Desh, as a systematic plan, has been sending its people to Bharat to invade Bharat’s territory using such Ethnic Cleansing & by manipulating Bharat’s democratic values. Bharat should sever all ties with Bangla Desh & stop supplies to Bangla Desh of all essential things like water, salt etc.

9. Muslim MPs, MLAs & other politicians / Govt officials have been actively helping Bangla Deshi Muslims in Bharat. All these should be banned from further contesting elections / be suspended from Govt positions. Recently all party Muslim MPs delegation met the PM lobbying for Bangla Deshi Muslims. Those who do not care for the citizens of Bharat & protect invaders should have no right to be in Bharat.

10. Human Rights organizations & pseudo secular media are siding Bangla Deshi Muslims. They should be banned from entering Assam unless & until they agree to stop their continued illegal religious discrimination against Assam’s Tribes & Hindus.

11. Assam & most North East are fast becoming Kashmir which has already changed its demography making Bharat’s citizens Hindus, Sikhs etc a gullible minority there after 1990 Ethnic Cleansing there. Govts ignored it then & protected the invaders. The same way Assam is going now & those responsible in the govts for directly or indirectly helping Bangla Deshi Muslim invasion in Assam should be prosecuted for treason & for waging war against Bharat.

Muslim vote-bank more dangerous than Jehadi terrorism

Dr Surendra Jain, Spokesperson and  All India Secretary, Vishwa Hindu Parishad.

India has been facing Jehadi terrorism for the past 1300 years, crores of Hindus have been slaughtered in the name of Jehad and so many more converted to Islam. It was this Islamic terrorism that led to India’s partition, even after partition, a free India has seen the deaths of some 70000 Hindus because of this and the widowing of some 50000 women. 

From Kashmir to Kerala and from Assam to Gujarat, they have repeatedly proved their firm grip on terrorist activities. Today, not only India, but some 42 countries of the world are affected by this Jehadi terrorism. But, whenever any nation has made up its mind to put an end to this sort of terrorism, they have needless to say, succeeded. India has been the most afflicted with this menace of jehadi terrorism, however, its resolve to succeed over this, is being continuously discouraged, because of which, not only is this form of terrorism increasing in intensity, quite interestingly, the people who are supposed to put an end to it, have become the sponsors of it.

Whenever, a person or organisation takes up the cudgels to fight this out, then these people put all their resources together to foil their attempts. For the secular brigade, the muslim vote-bank has become so indispensable that they can go to any length to appease them. To appease them, not only do they keep blaming the Hindus of the country for the plight of the muslims, but also go to any extent to shower the limited resources of the nation on them. Th ones who speak out, are so ruthlessly put down that they never raise their voice again. What is worse, even the nation’s judiciary and election commission and many other constitutional bodies are not spared and subjected to abject humiliation.

In the last few days, the kind of shameful gimmicks that were adopted by the politicians of the country in trying to garner the votes of the muslims in the assembly elections, went beyond anything that can  be called dignified. Just prior to the elections, the way the ‘Communal violence Bill’ was introduced, it smacked of a certain promise to the Muslims that while they could get away with carrying out any kind of riot with the Hindus, the Hindus, no matter what, would always be at the receiving end of all justice. After this, the way the Muslim reservation bill was introduced, there was no doubt that it would lead to the basic groundwork for another partition of the country. After this, Uttar Pradesh became an open battleground for the appeasement of the Muslims. The race for Muslim reservation was getting so hot that it seemed that the Hindus of the country would never again get any opportunity for either jobs or education. Whereas someone tried to prove that the Batla encounter was fake, there were others who saw tears running down Sonia’s cheeks in the aftermath of this event. It is difficult to understand why these tears simply dry up when the Hindus get killed in jehadi terror acts. When the Election  Commission ordered the stay of the Muslim reservation, the kind of challenges that were thrown to the commission left everyone shell-shocked. These rioters were being led by none other than the Law Minister of the country himself. It must be remembered here that the foundation of India’s partition was led in Uttar Pradesh only. It seemed as if the foundation for another partition of the country was again being laid in the same state.

The way the unconstitutional reservations for Muslims was thrown in the waste paper basket by the judiciary should lead to some introspection by the leaders  of the secular brigade who were sponsoring it. But the kind of challenges and aspersions that were made against the judiciary was horrendous. These kind of remarks were made earlier when the judiciary had turned down the ‘minority status’ of the Aligarh Muslim University. Now on the eve of the Presidential election, the way the Hindutvavadi Prime Minister has been castigated, it goes a long way to show that these people will not leave any stone unturned to rake up this issue.

The appeasement policy of the Muslims which started with the Khilafat movement has not ended even after the partition of the country. There seems to be no end to it, it is only gaining from strength to strength. The Hindu society, therefore, will have to put its resources together to see that it does not raise its ugly head again.

Courtesy : http://vhp.org/blogs/surendrajain/

हिंदू राजनीति का अभाव

पश्चिम बंगाल के छोटे से शहर देगागा में इस वर्ष दुर्गा पूजा नहीं मनाई गई, क्योंकि तृणमूल काग्रेस से जुड़े एक दबंग मुस्लिम नेता ने हिंदू आबादी पर सुनियोजित हिंसा की। इस पर सत्ताधारी लोग और मीडिया, दोनों लगभग मौन रहे। स्थानीय हिंदुओं को भय है कि उन पर हमले करके आतंकित कर उन्हें वहां से खदेड़ भगाने का षड्यंत्र रचा जा रहा है। असम और बंगाल में कई स्थानों पर यह पहले ही हो चुका है, इसलिए इस जनसाख्यिकी आक्रमण को पहचानने में वे भूल नहीं कर सकते। वस्तुत: ऐसी घटनाओं पर राजनीतिक मौन ही इसके वास्तविक चरित्र का सबसे बड़ा प्रमाण है।

क्या किसी शहर में मुस्लिमों द्वारा किसी बात पर विरोध-स्वरूप ईद न मनाना भारतीय मीडिया के लिए उपेक्षणीय घटना हो सकती थी। चुनी हुई चुप्पी और चुना हुआ शोर-शराबा अब तुरंत बता देता है कि किसी साप्रदायिक हिंसा का चरित्र क्या है। पीड़ित कौन है, उत्पीड़क कौन। जब भी हिंदू जनता हिंसा और अतिक्रमण का शिकार होती है, राजनीतिक वर्ग और अंग्रेजी मीडिया मानो किसी दुरभिसंधि के अंतर्गत मौन हो जाता है। यह आसानी से इसलिए संभव होता है, क्योंकि भारत में कोई संगठित हिंदू राजनीतिक समूह नहीं है। हिंदू भावनाएं, दुख या चाह को व्यक्त करने वाला कोई घोषित या अघोषित संगठन भी नहीं है।

कुछ लोग भाजपा को हिंदू राजनीति से जोड़ते हैं, किंतु इस पर हिंदुत्व थोपा हुआ है। स्वयं भाजपा ने कभी हिंदू चिंता को अपनी टेक घोषित नहीं किया। इसने पिछला लोकसभा चुनाव भी विकास और मजबूती के नारे पर ही लड़ा था। गुजरात, मध्य प्रदेश या बिहार में भी वह हिंदू चिंता की अभिव्यक्ति से बचती है। मुस्लिम संगठन ठीक उलटा करते हैं। इसलिए भाजपा पर हिंदू साप्रदायिक होने या हिंदुत्व से भटकने के दोनों आरोप गलत हैं, जो उसके विरोधी या समर्थक लगाते हैं। विरोधी इसलिए, क्योंकि किसी न किसी को हिंदू-साप्रदायिक कहना उनकी जरूरत है ताकि वे मुस्लिम वोट-बैंक के सामने अपना हाथ फैलाएं। समर्थक भाजपा पर भटकने का आरोप इसलिए लगाते हैं, क्योंकि हिंदू चिंता को उठाने वाला कोई दल न होने के कारण वे भाजपा पर ही अपनी आशाएं लगा बैठते हैं। भाजपा इन आशाओं का विरोध नहीं करती, पर उसने कभी इन आशाओं को पूरा करने का वचन भी नहीं दिया। राम मंदिर बनाने की बात या धारा 370 हटाने की आवश्यकता बताना-हिंदू राजनीति नहीं है। अयोध्या में ताला खुलवाकर पूजा की शुरुआत तो राजीव गांधी ने ही की थी। इसी प्रकार धारा 370 के अस्थायी होने की बात तो संविधान में काग्रेस ने ही लिखी थी।

अत: इक्का-दुक्का भाजपा नेताओं द्वारा कभी-कधार कुछ कहना हिंदू राजनीति नहीं है। यह कभी-कभार हिंदू भावनाओं को उभारती या उपयोग करती है, पर यह नीति भारत में प्रचलित हिंदू-विरोधी सेक्युलरवाद से पार नहीं पा सकती। उसी तरह वह हिंदुत्व भी अकर्मक है जिसमें खुल कर सामने आने का साहस नहीं, जिसमें हर हाल में सही बात कहने की दृढ़ता न हो, जो प्रबल विरोधियों के समक्ष सच कहने से कतराता हो, जिसके कार्यकर्ता पहले अपना निजी स्वार्थ साधने के लोभ में डूबे रहते है। वह भी व्यर्थ हिंदुत्व ही है जो केवल सत्ता पाने अथवा पहले सत्ता में आने के लिए हिंदू भावनाओं का उपयोग करने का प्रयास करता हो। यह सब छद्म हिंदुत्व है जो यहां प्रचलित सेक्युलरवाद से हारता रहा है, हारता रहेगा। उपर्युक्त भाव और रूप किसी दल या नेता की विशेषताएं नहीं हैं। यह विभिन्न संगठनों और विभिन्न नेताओं-कार्यकर्ताओं की विशेषताएं हैं। यह अपने स्वभाव से ही इतना दुर्बल है कि शिकायतें करने और दूसरों पर निर्भर रहने के सिवा कुछ नहीं कर सकता, इसीलिए छद्म हिंदुत्व, शिकायती हिंदुत्व और हिंदू राजनीति के अभाव में वस्तुत: कोई भेद नहीं है। अत: इस गंभीर सच्चाई को स्वीकार करना चाहिए कि जिस तरह मुस्लिम राजनीति एक स्थापित शक्ति है, उसी तरह किसी हिंदू राजनीति का अस्तित्व ही नहीं है। हिंदू भावनाओं वाले कुछ नेता-कार्यकर्ता अनेक दलों में हैं, पर हिंदू भावना एक बात है और हिंदू राजनीति को स्वर देना बिलकुल दूसरी बात।

एस. शंकर

Hindus in Pakistan accuse Muslims of kidnapping teens as wives

JACOBABAD, Pakistan — Rachna Kumari, 16, was shopping for dresses in this city’s dust-choked bazaar when it happened. The man who her family says abducted her was not a street thug. He was a police officer.

Nor was he a stranger. Rachna’s family knew and trusted him. He guarded the Hindu temple run by her father, an important duty in a society where Hindus are often terrorized by Muslim extremists, and he had helped Rachna cram for her ninth-grade final exams.

After she disappeared from the market, he did not demand a ransom. According to her family, he had an entirely different purpose: to force her to convert to Islam and marry him.

In a country where Hindu-dominated India is widely reviled as Enemy No. 1, Pakistan’s Hindu community endures extortion, disenfranchisement and other forms of discrimination.

These days, however, Hindus are fixated on a surge of kidnappings of teenage girls by young Muslim men who force them to convert and wed. Pakistani human rights activists report as many as 25 cases a month.

Most occur in the northern districts of Sindh province, on the border with India and home to most of Pakistan’s 2.5 million Hindus. The Hindu community is shrinking as families flee the area, which is run largely by Muslim feudal chiefs who own vast tracts of farmland and wield wide influence over politics, law enforcement and the courts.

Hindus say the forcible conversions follow the same script: The victim, abducted by a young man related to or working for a feudal boss, is taken to a mosque where clerics, along with the prospective groom’s family, threaten to harm her and her relatives if she resists.

Almost always, the girl complies, and not long afterward, she is brought to a local court, where a judge, usually a Muslim, rubber-stamps the conversion and marriage, according to Hindu community members who have attended such hearings.

Often the young Muslim man is accompanied by backers armed with rifles. Few members of the girl’s family are allowed to appear, and the victim, seeing no way out, signs papers affirming her conversion and marriage.

“In court, usually it’s just four or five members of the girl’s family against hundreds of armed people for the boy,” says B.H. Khurana, a doctor in Jacobabad and a Hindu community leader. “In such a situation when we are unarmed and outnumbered, how can we fight our case in court?”

Prominent Pakistani Muslims have joined Hindu leaders in calling attention to the problem.

President Asif Ali Zardari’s sister, lawmaker Azra Fazal Pechuho, told parliament last month that a growing number of Hindu girls are being abducted and held at madrasas, or Islamic religious schools, where they are forcibly converted. She and other lawmakers have called for legislation to prohibit the practice.

The issue was thrust into the spotlight by the case of Rinkle Kumari, a 17-year-old Hindu girl from the town of Mirpur Mathelo in the southern province of Sindh. The case was one of three that recently went before Pakistan’s Supreme Court.

Kumari’s parents, who are not related to Rachna’s family, allege that five men broke into their house in late February, subdued Rinkle with a chloroform-soaked cloth and took her away. The parents say the girl was forced to convert to Islam and marry Naveed Shah, a neighbor.

Shah contends Rinkle acted willingly.

“She was not forced at all,” said Shah’s lawyer, Malik Qamar Afzal. “She embraced Islam freely, and afterward agreed to marry.”

The day after the alleged abduction and conversion, Rinkle was allowed to meet with her mother at a district court.

“She told me, ‘I have been kidnapped and I want to go with you,’” recalled her mother, Sulchani Kumari. “She was sobbing as she told me, ‘For God’s sake, take me away from that hell.’”

Hindu community leaders acknowledge that in some cases, Hindu girls convert and marry Muslim men willingly. Determining which cases involve coercion has been difficult for authorities.

Asha Kumari, a 16-year-old Hindu girl not related to Rinkle or Rachna, disappeared March 3 from a beauty parlor in Jacobabad where she was taking a beautician’s course, according to her brother, Vinod Kumar, 22.

Neither her family nor police could find her until April 13, when she appeared before the Supreme Court, accompanied by her new husband, Bashir Lashari.

Like Rinkle, she told the court she had willingly married and embraced Islam.

As in Rinkle’s case, the conversion took place at a Sufi Muslim shrine run by the brother of Mian Abdul Haq, a Muslim lawmaker with the ruling Pakistan People’s Party and a wealthy landowner in northern Sindh.

“This is the way it always happens,” said Vinod Kumar. “These girls are kidnapped, and then later they show up in court and say they have converted.”

Hindu community leaders took the cases of Rinkle and Asha and that of a third Hindu woman all the way to the Supreme Court.

Courtesy – http://articles.latimes.com/2012/apr/22/world/la-fg-pakistan-hindu-conversions-20120423

नवरात्रि पर्व और माता के नौ रूप

नवरात्र माता भगवती की आराधना का श्रेष्ठ समय होता है। भारत में नवरात्र का पर्व, एक ऐसा पर्व है जो हमारी संस्कृति में महिलाओं के गरिमामय स्थान को दर्शाता है। वर्ष के चार नवरात्रों में चैत्र, आषाढ़, आश्विन और माघ की शुक्ल प्रतिपदा से नवमी तक नौ दिन के होते हैं, परंतु प्रसिद्धि में चैत्र और आश्विन के नवरात्र ही मुख्य माने जाते हैं। इनमें भी देवीभक्त आश्विन के नवरात्र अधिक करते हैं। इनको यथाक्रम वासन्ती और शारदीय नवरात्र भी कहते हैं। इनका आरम्भ चैत्र और आश्विन शुक्ल प्रतिपदा से होता है। अतः यह प्रतिपदा ’सम्मुखी’ शुभ होती है।

शारदीय नवरात्र

शारदीय नवरात्र आश्विन शुक्ल पक्ष की प्रतिप्रदा से शुरू होता है। आश्विन मास में आने वाले नवरात्र का अधिक महत्त्व माना गया है। इसी

भारतीय या हिंदू नव वर्ष – विक्रम संवत 2069

हिंदू नव वर्ष या भारतीय नव वर्ष का प्रारंभ चैत्र मास की शुक्ल प्रतिपदा से माना जाता है। इसे हिंदू नव संवत्सर या नव संवत या विक्रम संवत कहते हैं। ऐसी मान्यता है कि भगवान ब्रह्मा ने इसी दिन से सृष्टि की रचना प्रारंभ की थी। हिंदू पंचांग के अनुसार इस वर्ष 22 मार्च 2012 को रात 7.10 बजे विक्रम संवत् 2069 का प्रारंभ कन्या लग्न में होगा। इस वर्ष विश्वावसु नाम का संवत्सर रहेगा, जिसका स्वामी राहु है। इस वर्ष का राजा और मंत्री शुक्र है साथ ही दुर्गेश का पद भी शुक्र के ही पास है। 

पंचांग (पंच + अंग = पांच अंग) हिन्दू काल-गणना की रीति से निर्मित कालदर्शक को कहते हैं। पंचांग हिन्दुओं को काल अथवा समय के धार्मिक एवं आध्यात्मिकपक्षों के आधार पर कार्य आरम्भ करने की जानकारी देता है ।

चूंकि हमारा राजकीय कैलेंडर ईसवी सन् से चलता है इसलिये नयी पीढ़ी तथा बड़े शहरों में पले बढ़े लोगों में बहुत कम लोगों को यह याद रहता है कि भारतीय संस्कृति और और धर्म में महत्वपूर्ण स्थान रखने वाला विक्रम संवत् देश के

Hindus converted to Islam by sword only

Sunil Ganguly prefers to remain nonchalant, eulogize Islamist bosses 

 

Today a new treatise has been published in Anandasbazar Patrika, penned by Sunil Ganguly, an author known for his eloquence and also high-flown styles and rhetoric both in the literary circles of the state of Bengal and rest of India.

Here is the link of the same – http://www.anandabazar.com/7edit3.html.

 

(Ruins of Somnath Temple, Gujarat - victim of Islamic vandalism)

 

The article, even if concentrating on Brhamo Samaj and especially Keshab Chandra Sen, one of the foremost Bengali religious reformers and preachers in the 19 th century, leaves no stone unturned to drag Hindus and their Dharma through the mud. Well, many may say that it has been an inherent approach, based on his own conviction, of Suil Babu for decades and the better it is to be indifferent to this sort of malice. But no way! If there is any dearth to challenge this attitude, Hindus en masse will continue to be the casualty only. Such perspectives of namby-pamby and egocentric Hindu religious leaders (as perceived through centuries) have always been considered as the basic flaw and perpetual weakness of Hindu Dharma. And who doesn’t know – history is written by victors and not by the vanquished.

 

(Ruins of Krishna Temple, Vijayanagara - victim of Islamic vandalism)

 

What has the revered author written then? In the 4 th paragraph of the article, the author (sensibly) has stated that Islam, being free of caste, racial conflicts and also of any form of untouchability, has been the best and last sanctuary for Hindus, particularly of low-caste origins, to remain with dignity for eternity. In accordance with him, low-caste Hindus, in throngs, being oppressed by high-caste Hindus like Brahmin and Kayastha, adopted Islam down the ages.

We, with politeness yet with firmness, beg to differ in this context. Even if it is undeniable that high-caste oppressions (grave injustice undoubtedly) made low-caste Hindus opt for other religions, such act has been an exception altogether. And such acts are too minimal if compared with the horrific and forcible conversions of Hindus to Islam through the history and now too. But the aged and respected author prefers to steer clear of the same. And this is not any new design on his part – Hindus are acquainted with such through his other writings.

 

 (Pakistani soldier in 1971 checking whether the person is a Hindu)

 

Has Sunil Babu ever cared to concentrate on the true facts of history? No – he has never had – but we have got to make it or else these preposterous endeavors will go on without qualms.  It’s the time for confrontation.

History states that Islamic reign has been the most vicious period in Indian history. Will Durant, globally acclaimed writer, historian and philosopher, has its own forthright views of the same. He has stated, “The Islamic conquest of India is probably the bloodiest story in history. It is a discouraging tale, for its evident moral is that civilization is a precious good, whose delicate complex of order and freedom, culture and peace, can at any moment be overthrown by barbarians invading from without or multiplying within.” (Story of Civilization, vol.1, Our Oriental Heritage, New York 1972, p.459)

 

But we can’t depend on the said historian and philosopher only or else our secular friends (or foes?) will begin to term us as too parochial.

 

Has Sunil Babu ever heard of Malfuzat-i Timuri? Malfuzat-i Timuri, or Tuzak-i Timuri, to be precise, happens to be an autobiographical chronicle of the Emperor Timur (1336-1405); it was written in Chaghatai Mongol language, and was translated into Persian by Abu Talib Husaini.  The Islamic emperor, himself, gives an account of his invasions, in particular the massacre in Delhi in the following lines.

“In a short space of time all the people in the [Delhi] fort were put to the sword, and in the course of one hour the heads of 10,000 infidels were cut off. The sword of Islam was washed in the blood of the infidels, and all the goods and effects, the treasure and the grain which for many a long year had been stored in the fort became the spoil of my soldiers. They set fire to the houses and reduced them to ashes, and they razed the buildings and the fort to the ground….All these infidel Hindus were slain, their women and children, and their property and goods became the spoil of the victors. I proclaimed throughout the camp that every man who had infidel prisoners should put them to death, and whoever neglected to do so should himself be executed and his property given to the informer. When this order became known to the ghazis of Islam, they drew their swords and put their prisoners to death.

 

One hundred thousand infidels, impious idolators, were on that day slain. Maulana Nasiruddin Umar, a counselor and man of learning, who, in all his life, had never killed a sparrow, now, in execution of my order, slew with his sword fifteen idolatrous Hindus, who were his captives….on the great day of battle these 100,000 prisoners could not be left with the baggage, and that it would be entirely opposed to the rules of war to set these idolaters and enemies of Islam at liberty…no other course remained but that of making them all food for the sword.”

 

(Hindu victims of Pakistan Army in 1971 war)

Definitely Sunil Babu has read the exploits of Muhammad Ghori and the same individual, according to history, committed genocides against Hindus at Kol (modern Aligarh), Kalinjar and certainly Varanasi. During these onslaughts, under the order of Muhammad Ghori, 20, 000 Hindus, being infidels, were slaughtered and their heads were given to crows. This testimony is vindicated by Hasan Nizami’s Taj-ul-Maasir. Did other Hindus, desperate to subsist, have any other way than to accept Islam? All these barbaric acts were done to unfurl the flag of Islam and stamp down any other view or religion.

 

Here is another account of reign under Firuz Shah Tughluq.

“An order was accordingly given to the Brahman and was brought before Sultan. The true faith was declared to the Brahman and the right course pointed out. but he refused to accept it. A pile was risen on which the Kaffir with his hands and legs tied was thrown into and the wooden tablet on the top. The pile was lit at two places his head and his feet. The fire first reached him in the feet and drew from him a cry and then fire completely enveloped him. Behold Sultan for his strict adherence to law and rectitude.” [History of Firuz Shah Tughluq by Jamini Banerjee – published by Munshiram Manoharlal].

 

Here are two accounts of the reign of Tipu Sultan, termed as Tiger by many thus far. While C. K. Kareem states unequivocally that Tippu Sultan issued an edict for the destruction of Hindu temples in the state of Kerala, Hayavadana C. Rao, famed historian, maintains that Tipu’s “religious fanaticism and the excesses committed in the name of religion, both in Mysore and in the provinces, stand condemned for all time. His bigotry, indeed, was so great that it precluded all ideas of toleration”.

 

Has Sunil Babu ever focused on the religious persecution on Hindus in Bangladesh, erstwhile East Pakistan? Perhaps he is too busy for the same; his main job being eulogizing Islamists and demonizing Hindus at each time. What was his role in 1971? The whole world was almost shell-shocked perceiving the state repression and genocides of Hindus in East Pakistan. As per records, 2.5 million among 3 million people killed by the Army of Pakistan were Hindus. Ramna Kali Mandir, used to be one of the most famed Hindu temples in the Indian subcontinent, was razed by the Army of Pakistan on March 27, 1971. Jagannath Hall (famous hostel of Hindu Students) in the campus of University of Dhaka on March 25, 1971, was another target. A huge contingent of Pakistani Army including 22 Beluch, 32 Panjabi regiment and several battalions encircled the campus and within hours, along with others, Hindus of Jagannath Hall, containing both teachers and students, were exterminated.

 

Did Sunil Babu shed his tears in memory of those Hindus? We are yet to know it!

 

Here is an excerpt from the report of Senator Edward Kennedy submitted to the U.S Senate Judiciary Committee.

“Nothing is more clear, or more easily documented, than the systematic campaign of terror-and its genocidal consequences-launched by the Pakistani army on the night of March 25th. Field reports to the U.S government, countless eye-witness journalistic accounts, reports from international agencies such as the World Bank, and additional information available to the Subcommitte document the continuing reign of terror which grips East Bengal. Hardest hit have been members of the Hindu community who have been robbed of their lands and shops, systematically slaughtered, and, in some places, painted with yellow patches marked “H”. All of this has been officially sanctioned, ordered and implemented under martial law from Islamabad. America’s heavy support of Islamabad is nothing short of complicity in the human and political tragedy of East Bengal.”

 

“In some areas, according to eyewitness reports in the late summer, Pakistan troops were painting large yellow “H” signs on Hindu shops, so as to identify the property of the minority which had become a special target. To show they were not Hindus, members of the Muslim majority-although not fully exempt from the army’s terror-were painting sign saying “All Muslim House” on their homes and shops. In turn the small community of Christians were putting crosses on their doors and stitching crosses in red thread on their clothes. Not since Nazi Germany were so many citizens of a country publicly marked with religious labels and symbols.”

 

What can Hindus (both high-caste and low-caste) do in such an Islamic rule? They have two options – either to become Muslim or face death. And this has been the practice ever since the appearance of Islam.

Thus, demonization of high-caste Hindus and notion of its oppression making low-caste Hindus turn into Muslims evokes laughter only. Hindus have always been condemning and making efforts to halt any such oppression of Hindus by their co-religionists but to term it as the only villain is the gravest offense.

Sunil Babu, through a few lines, has done the same once more. He can’t just be neglected or excused.

(Prof. Gopal Chandra Muhari, celebrated Bangladeshi Hindu educationalist, killed by Islamists )

 

Courtesy -hindusamhati.blogspot.in

Colour Your Hearts with Love of God

PRAHLAD, son of the demon king Hiranyakashipu, was perhaps unique in rebelling against the tyrannical rule of his father. The king banned the worship of Lord Vishnu in his kingdom as he wished to project himself as God. None dared to revolt except his own son Prahlad. Little Prahlad went up to his father and narrated the story of a king who got a new palace built for himself. It took nine months to be completed. He wished to spend the rest of his life in the palace but a persistent mosquito disturbed him and would not allow him to sleep or live in place. The king was advised by many to discard the palace. “What should he do”? asked Prahlad. Hiranyakashipu was quick to retort: “Son, the king should not be afraid of a mere mosquito”. Smiled Prahlad, “You are right, father, I took nine months inside the womb to get a human body. My ultimate goal is to achieve Divine Enlightenment. If a mosquito like you shakes my faith, should I abandon my devotion?”

Aghast at such impudence, the king ordered his sister Holika to sit in the fire with Prahlad in her lap. She had won a boon that no fire could burn her. This way thought the king; Vishnu’s only devotee would be eliminated. But at the crucial hour, the fire devoured Holika and left the fearless Prahlad untouched. Prahlad’s firm shraddha and faith in God and his awareness of the futility of the physical body gave him the strength to face the ire of his father, the powerful demon king.

नवदृष्टि के जनक - बुद्धिवादी वीर सावरकर

शिरीष सप्रे

वीर सावरकरजी ज्ञानमार्गी होने के साथ ही हर एक विषय का स्वतंत्र एवं मूलगामी विचार करनेवाले होने के कारण उनकी विचार सृष्टि बहुरंगी है। जिसके कारण जनसाधारण मंत्रमुग्ध सा हो जाता है। बुद्धि प्रामाण्यता एवं इहवादी दृष्टिकोण होने के कारण कई बार वे चार्वाकवादी भी लगते हैं। क्योंकि, इहलोक और केवल इहलोक को माननेवाला व्यक्ति और समाज के हित देखने के लिए दंडनीति  को माननेवाले चार्वाक का विचार करें और सावरकरजी के बुद्धिवादी सामाजिक मतों को देखें तो वे चार्वाक कुल के ही लगते हैं।

सावरकरजी के सामाजिक विचारों के महत्वपूर्ण सूत्र हैं बुद्धिप्रामाण्य और प्रत्यक्षनिष्ठा और इसी विज्ञाननिष्ठ भूमिका से उन्होंने हिंदूधर्म की सामाजिक रुढ़ियों की समीक्षा की थी। उदा. 1935 में डॉ. आंबेडकरके संभावित धर्मांतरण के संबंध में अपनी प्रतिक्रिया व्यक्त करते हुए उन्होंने कहा था ''चाहें तो डॉ. आंबेडकर एक बुद्धिवादी संघ निकालें।"" इस पत्रक में सावरकरजी ने इस बुद्धि संघ के आधार तत्त्वों

भारत के इस्लामीकरण का खतरा

अभी कुछ दिनों पूर्व जब मैंने अपने एक मित्र और नवसृजित राजनीतिक आन्दोलन युवादल के राष्ट्रीय संयोजक विनय कुमार सिंह के साथ पश्चिम बंगाल की यात्रा की तो भारत पर मँडरा रहे एक बडे खतरे से सामना हुआ और यह खतरा है भारत के इस्लामीकरण का खतरा। पश्चिम बंगाल की हमारी यात्रा का प्रयोजन हिन्दू संहति के नेता तपन घोष सहित उन 15 लोगों से मिलना था जिन्हें 12 जून को हिन्दू संहति की कार्यशाला पर हुए मुस्लिम आक्रमण के बाद हिरासत में ले लिया गया था। तपन घोष को गंगासागर और कोलकाता के मध्य डायमण्ड हार्बर नामक स्थान पर जेल में रखा गया था। हम अपने मित्र के साथ 23 जून को कोलकाता पहुँचे और दोपहर में पहुँचने के कारण उस दिन तपन घोष से मिलने का कार्यक्रम नहीं बन सका और हमें अगली सुबह की प्रतीक्षा करनी पडी। अगले दिन प्रातः काल ही हमने सियालदह से लोकल ट्रेन पकडी और डायमण्ड हार्बर के लिये रवाना हो गये। कोई दो घण्टे की यात्रा के उपरांत हम अपने गंतव्य पर पहुँचे और जेल में तपन घोष सहित सभी लोगों

कामरेड ईसा मसीह?

डॉ. वेदप्रताप वैदिक

आजकल केरल में बड़ी मजेदार राजनीतिक बहस चल रही है। इस बहस में अभी तो सिर्फ स्थानीय कम्युनिस्ट नेता और पादरी लोग ही उलझे हैं, लेकिन यह बहस यदि थोड़ी लंबी जाए तो यह विश्व-स्तर की भी बन सकती है। यह तो सबको पता है कि 10-15 वर्षों से विश्व के सारे कम्युनिस्ट अपने आप को अनाथ-सा महसूस कर रहे हैं। सोवियत संघ खुद तो बिखर ही गया, अब लेनिन और स्टालिन भी इतिहास के नेपथ्य में चले गए। चीन ने भी पूंजीवादी रास्ता पकड़ लिया। पूर्वी यूरोप के साम्यवादी देश अब पश्चिमी यूरोपीय संघ के सदस्य बनते चले जा रहे हैं। ऐसे में हमारे भारत के मार्क्सवादियों ने जबर्दस्त वैचारिक पैंतरा मारा है। यह पैंतरा, भारत में ही नहीं, सारे विश्व में तहलका मचा सकता है।

कट्टरता के समक्ष समर्पण

यह प्रश्न तसलीमा नसरीन ने भारतीय नेताओं, बुद्धिजीवियों से पूछा है। तस्लीमा की आत्मकथा निर्वासन का विमोचन समारोह कोलकाता पुस्तक मेले में रद कर दिया गया, क्योंकि इस्लामी कट्टरपंथियों ने विरोध किया। पुस्तक अभी सामने भी नहीं आई, पढ़ना तो दूर रहा। लेखिका भी कार्यक्रम में उपस्थित न रहने वाली थीं। फिर भी कट्टरपंथियों को मेले में उसके विमोचन पर आपत्ति थी। उनकी धमकी के बाद अधिकारियों ने कार्यक्रम रद कर दिया। इसी पर तसलीमा ने भारतवासियों से पूछा है कि मजहबी कट्टरपंथियों से कितने समय तक डरेंगे?

यह प्रश्न हमारे दो महापुरुषों की उक्ति भी याद दिलाता है। पहली श्रीअरविंद की, जब उन्होंने सौ वर्ष पहले (4 सितंबर 1909) उसी बंगाल में विविध मुस्लिम आपत्तियों और उन्हें संतुष्ट करने के प्रयासों पर कहा था कि प्रत्येक ऐसा कार्य जिस पर कुछ मुसलमानों को आपत्ति हो अब वर्जित कर दिया जा सकता है, क्योंकि उससे शांति भंग हो सकती है और कुछ-कुछ ऐसा लगने लगा है कि कहीं वह दिन न आ जाए जब इसी तर्कसंगत आधार पर हिंदू मंदिरों में पूजा करना भी वर्जित कर दिया जाए। दूसरा कथन 1946 में डॉ. अंबेडकर का था कि मुसलमानों की मांगें हनुमानजी की पूँछ की तरह बढ़ती जाती हैं।

इन दोनों कथनों के साथ तसलीमा के प्रश्न को जोड़कर देखने-समझने की आवश्यकता है। यदि तसलीमा की बात में